Hungarian in the Courtroom – The Use of the Hungarian Language in the Courts of the First Czechoslovak Republic
The weakest link of democracy in the First Czechoslovak Republic was the issue of guaranteeing the linguistic rights of ethnic minorities. This study explores the application of linguistic rights of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the courts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The first part outlines the legal background governing the use of languages. The second part shows through specific cases taken from the contemporary press and archival materials how legal rights were implemented in practice, and what difficulties had to contend with all those who wished to use their native Hungarian language before the court
Ideological Battle on the Front of Names
One of the key priorities of the new Ukrainian political leadership emerging in the political crisis persisting since the end of 2013 has been the eradication of the Soviet past. This intention was addressed by the “decommunization package” consisting of four laws, adopted by the Ukrainian parliament on 9 April 2015 and signed by the president on 15 May. This study describes one of the laws forming part of the package, entitled “Law on the Condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist Totalitarian Regimes and on the Prohibition of Their Symbols”. Further, it analyses the name reform provided for by the law and engineered by the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance, in the result of which 987 cities, large municipalities and villages, 25 districts, and several ten thousand public domains (roads, streets, squares) got new names during one single year, in the spirit of the remembrance policy taking new direction in Ukraine
The election to the Carpatho-Ukrainian Soim in February 1939 (Part II.)
The study analyses the elections to the Carpatho-Ukrainian Soim in February 1939, mainly the declaration of elections, the campaign, the minority aspects, and the results of the elections. Avgustyn Voloshyn’s pro-Ukrainian government made the running of the other political forces in the elections impossible by playing the game of scheduling the elections, by banning political parties and by rejection of the opposition’s list of candidates. Out of the 32 candidates on the list of the governing Ukrainian National Union (UNO), there was one representative of the German, Czech and Romanian minorities each. Representation of the Jews, the largest minority, was not even considered by the government, and the leaders of the Hungarian minority not only failed to participate on the list of candidates but they even requested Hungarian voters to reject it. All this was connected with the unfriendly relations of the Carpatho-Ukrainian government and Budapest, resp. the Hungarian minority in Subcarpathia, as well as with Hungary’s efforts to seize the territory of Subcarpathia. The election campaign did not differ from the procedure proven in the totalitarian regimes. According to the official results, 92.4 per cents of the voters approved the election list of the UNO. The minorities, including the Jews, who did not want to be accused from opposing the Carpatho-Ukrainian regime, mostly also supported the check list. Most of the votes against were given by Hungarian voters.
The Assets of the Hungarian National Central Credit Cooperative in Czechoslovakia (1918–1928)
This study deals with the property problems of the Budapest-based (Hungarian) National Central Credit Cooperative (Országos Központi Hitelszövetkezet) in Czechoslovakia in 1918, and with the Czechoslovak–Hungarian negotiations on cooperatives. From 1919, the Slovak-leaded Central Cooperative (Ústredné družstvo) successfully monopolized its position in the field of cooperative issues. The National Central Credit Cooperative tried to enforce its interests from an unfavourable position, as it had posted against the Slovak credit cooperatives a debt of 53,2 mil. Austro-Hungarian crowns. Between 1920 and 1927, the National Central Credit Cooperative held lengthy and intermittent negotiations with the Slovak Central Cooperative. They were able to agree on the smaller proportion of the Slovakian credit cooperatives only in 1924. The greater part of the capital of the Slovakian credit cooperatives had still remained in Budapest.
The Economic and Social Situation of South Slovakia in View of Some Indicators (Part II.)
It has been already known that the educational attainment level of the Hungarians in Slovakia is far below the Slovakian average, i.e. the average of the Slovak majority. This was characteristic in the whole period of the socialist regime too. The problem was not only felt by the Hungarians, the government also tried to change the situation, in higher education the national minority quota was applied for a long time. The situation has improved since then, the number of Hungarians holding a higher education degree has increased, but despite expanding opportunities, it has not been able to keep pace with higher education becoming massive in the 2000s. This study also confirms that the Hungarian districts still lag behind. It can be seen, however, that the 16 districts no longer constitute a homogeneous region. Of course, it is not surprising, since it is a long-stretching, large region that can geographically and ethnically be divided into several districts. From the Bratislava agglomeration districts, however, only the Senec district has managed to catch up as regards the examined indicators, the Dunajská Streda, Galanta and Šaľa districts have not. Taking into account past experiences, combatting the backlog and mitigating its effects in the southern region is a lengthy task and it can only be achieved with external help.